The fact that Canada domestically grows Vitis vinifera and produces various types of table wines may still come to some as a surprise, yet it is true. The geographic location and common association of Canada with a cold climate, the relatively small size of the Canadian wine industry (especially in comparison to wine giants like France or the United States (US), for example) are the main reasons why the industry still lacks international exposure. Because of that, to the average wine consumer in the world, Canada still is not known as being able to grow vinifera and supply domestically made table wines. If anybody in the world happens to know that Canada produces wines, it is usually because of ice wines. Canadian ice wines remain the most frequently recognized in the world as being Canadian-made and associated with Canada (Canadian Vintners Association Website statistics accessed on December 5, 2016: http://www.canadianvintners.com/info-centre/wine-statistics/).

The glass of wine that you are having with your dinner, whether in your own home, at a friend’s or a restaurant, is subsidized by the federal taxpayer whenever the growers who produced the grapes that went into the wine protected themselves from a financial loss due to crop failure by purchasing crop insurance. The subsidy has the effect of lowering the price of that glass of wine by reducing the full cost of growing the grapes provided the resulting economic gain is passed along at least in part to the winery and in turn to the vintner, retailer, and finally the consumer.
It follows that crop insurance is a blend of private and social insurance because the cost to the grower of insuring against a crop failure, which is included in the cost of production, no longer is entirely privatized. It is shared with the public through a taxpayer-supported subsidy.
Our objective in the following is to describe the need for crop insurance and its origins, the specific details of the protection for U.S. growers, the private and social costs of producing grapes, and the role of the Agriculture Department. In the following, we do not address table grapes, raisins, damaged vines, or federal area-wide crop insurance. That type of insurance protects the individual producer, not on the basis of his own personal loss, but on the average losses across the area where his vineyard is located. (ProAg nd, np).1 Much more research is needed for a more detailed account of insurance that focuses on wine grapes than is provided herein. To help facilitate that research we provide links to articles and books that examine in greater detail reinsurance, the history of wine grapes, licensing agents and brokers, the history of crop insurance prior to the New Deal, and written agreements between growers and insurers.
Our primary emphasis in the following is not on the grapes or the wine but on the human agents involved: the grower, the insurer, and the taxpayer.

Since the early 1990s, there has been a remarkable export boom of natural resource- based products from Chile, including wine, farmed salmon, forestry and wood prod- ucts. This phenomenon is surprising, considering the monopolistic role played by ad- vanced countries in these industries (e.g. Italy, France and Spain in the wine industry; Norway, Scotland and Canada in the salmon industry). It also raises questions on whether the conditions under which it is taking place are any different from those that in the past led to the repeated failures of a development model based mostly on the exports of natural resources.
From a traditional sector totally oriented to the domestic market and in deep crisis due to political and economic instability, the Chilean wine industry has gained international recognition since the early 1990s. It has become a large export-oriented industry -over 60 percent of the production is currently exported- together with other non-traditional industries such as salmon. Chile has been gradually identified by international con- sumers as an ideal country for producing modern varietal (fresh and fruity), good- value-for-money wines, and it has won worldwide recognition in the wine community faster than any other country in modern history (Phillips, 2000). This is a striking achievement, considering that until the 1970s Chilean wines were confined to the niche of decent-but-not-great wines, based on few varieties cultivated and the relative homo- geneity of their taste.
This paper analyses whether and how, under the globalizing trends that began in the last quarter of the twentieth century, Chile was able to transform some of its primary commodities such as wine into high-quality, diversified, processed goods, with increas- ing value-added content and export price per unit, thus becoming a platform for devel- opment. In particular, as a complement to previous studies, this paper looks specifically at the role of knowledge intensive services in the Chilean wine sector. It is based on the hypothesis is that these services have allowed Chilean wineries to add value to their wine exports and constantly improve their operations along the different stages of the value chain.
This paper is structured as follows. Section 2 describes Chile’s remarkable wine export performance and reviews previous studies regarding the main factors that explain this expansion. Section 3 provides a description of the five main segments of the wine value chain and the multiple service inputs within each one of them. The motivations to produce these services in-house or subcontract are discussed in section 4. The results of a survey, carried out in the context of this study, to assess which services are produced in-house or outsourced are discussed in section 5. The last section con- cludes and provides suggestions for future research.

Little research has considered the potential influence of distant, external pressures on the implementation of firms’ ‘green’ innovations, nor how internal firm resources might moderate this relationship. By combining institutional and resource-based theories and examining 649 firms in Australia, I find that export intensity is positively associated with green innovations. Further, as women in leadership roles increases in firms, the relationship strengthens between export intensity and green innovations. The results also suggest that greater levels of absorptive capacity among firms strengthens the relationship between export intensity and green innovations. Contributions of the findings are discussed along with limitations and future research opportunities.

Employing resource-based perspectives of the firm as a theoretical foundation, this article empirically examines the relationship between women in two different types of leadership roles and environmentally sustainable firms. I study an unbalanced panel data set of 2,006 wine firms in Australia for the period 2007–2014. The results suggests that when accounting for their individual, independent effects, women in technical leadership roles are positively associated with environmental sustainability, while women in professional leadership roles are not. However, the potential complementarities of women in both roles are explored, their interactive, co-joint (complementary) effect explains significantly more variance in the environmental sustainability variable than their individual effects. The results are discussed along with limitations and directions for future research.

This study examines features of regional clusters and environmental sustainability among member firms. By studying a sample of 646 firms across four regional wine clusters in Australia, the evidence suggests regiona l export intens it y is positive ly associat ed wit h implementation rates of environmentally sustainable practices. Further, as women in leadership roles (as a proxy for social proximity) grow within regional clusters, this strengthens the relationship between export intensity and environmental sustainability. The results advance research on the features of regional clusters that are expected to influence the adoption of organiza tio na l practices among member firms. Conclusio ns are presented along with limitations and future research opportunities.

This study investigates the impact of working capital management (WCM) on firm profitability in the French wine industry. Based on annual data of 430 wine-producing firms from 2003 to 2014, we estimated the impact of the cash conversion cycle (CCC) and its components (days inventory, receivable and payable) on the return on assets. Other firm factors, such as size, growth, tangibility and leverage, were used for control. We took into account nonlinearity, unobservable heterogeneity, heteroscedasticity and endogeneity through the two-step GMM estimation method and showed that WCM did not have a significant impact on the profitability of French wine firms. Furthermore, we found no optimal level of CCC that would allow the firms to maximize their profitability. Only days account receivable and payable significantly and negatively impacted profitability. These results differ from those of previous studies and suggest that French wine firms should shorten the time both to collect cash from sales and pay providers. Contrarily to what we believe, the delay in converting inventories to cash does not significantly impact profitability. The managerial implications of these results were further explored by interviewing three wine firms in the south of France.

o The purpose of this paper was to investigate perceptions and current experiences with kegged wine (also known as wine-on-tap). Winery owners, winemakers, and other winery employees from various U.S. wine growing regions responded to an online survey.
o Some wineries produce kegged wine on their own, while others use third-party kegging facilities. Eco-friendliness and wine quality preservation were considered important, yet not identified as primary motivators. Increasing sales volume and competitive advantages, on the other hand, were driving the adoption of kegged wine.
o On average, the estimated sales price for a keg (5.16 Gallons) of white wine was US$ 174 and for a red wine keg US$225. Kegged wine accounted for almost 9% of the wineries’ annual production volume. Most wineries used the same brand for their kegged wine as for their bottled wine.
o The findings of this study provide initial insights into experiences, reasons, and perceptions related to the adoption of a recent wine packaging innovation: kegged wine. The sample was mostly comprised of California wineries, a market where distances between wineries and third party kegging specialists are relatively short; therefore, the generalization of the results may be restricted.

China is one of the most attractive wine markets and a hopeful wine producer in the 21st century. Current studies of wine in China tend to focus on the wine market but seldom analyze the domestic wine industry which contributes approximately 80% of the total wine consumed in the country while Westerners know little of it. This paper analyzes the current situation and the perspectives of the wine industry in China considering both traditional conditions such as wine history, wine policies as well as recent conditions such as e- commerce, climate change and domestic economy trend. We conduct a “SWOT” of the Chinese wine industry considering four sectors (producing, processing, selling and consuming) and use a SWOT Matrix analysis. Then we provide strategies for the development of the Chinese industry from governmental level, industrial level and enterprises level.

After decades of inflationary applied advertisement investments in tv-, print and online media, todays’ consumers are exhausted. They switch tv-channels when commercials are being broadcasted, they bin promotion material when checking the letter box, they erase online- newsletters without having read them. ‘Wines of Germany’ (Deutsches Weininstitut DWI) conquers the given situation with word-of-mouth (WOM) marketing and –communications work. Presentations, seminars, press-, online- and social media work as well as conceptual sales impulses for the on- and off trade or gastronomy all serve a common goal: credible WOM recommendations. Combined with innovative and emotional communications work, the WOM action led to an increase in public awareness for Wines of Germany. It correlates with a moderate but steady increase in domestic and export value in an extremely competitive market. On the long run, memorable encounters of real people in real life situations (WOM) play a more effective and therefore central role in the sought-after awareness upswing then solely advertisements.
It must be frustrating for marketing experts that it is increasingly difficult to actually reach people. Social media marketing (SMM) made us believe that there’s an easy way to consumer’s attention – but it turned out to be more complicated: first of all social media activities always ask for authenticity, it never works to simply utilize existing promotion posters vertically through all media channels. People are very sensitive when it comes to credibility. Secondly, e.g. Facebook posts are not automatically being projected in your peer’s timeline any more (without paying for it). The more effective way is to reach influencers and multipliers through memorable situations, in order to make them tell your story/ spread your word (WOM). Therefore, DWI focuses on “ambassadors” - internally within the branch as well as externally in relations to the public – in order to initiate as many WOM impulses as possible.

Over the last years there has been a debate about the “structural change” in emerging economies and their impact on the understanding of development. New types of structuralisms are discussed using the concept of value chain in certain production sectors that have undergone significant changes.
The objective of this paper is to contribute to the debate about the structural change of the Argentine grape-wine growing sector using the dual analysis of “Strengths and Governance”.
First of all, we wish to point out that viticultural production is carried out in imperfect markets where prices are the result of an asymmetric negotiation between the purchasing power of a demand that is concentrated in a few firms and an atomized supply that is in the hands of thousands of producers. We analyze the strengths resulting from the interaction between the internal factors characteristic of the production unit and the external forces that operate within a given business organization. We describe the manner in which the supplier is related to the resources and the markets. We combine the above analysis with the governance approach, which refers to the manner in which the relationship among the several actors engaged in grape-wine growing is governed. We also analyze the relationships between firms and institutional mechanisms through which coordination actions are implemented outside the market. Emphasis is laid on the importance of explicitly incorporating institutionality into the analysis of the grape-wine growing sector chain so as to make sure that enforcement agencies comply with decisions reached by “consensus”.
One first conclusion of the study refers to the complementariness of both approaches and, in both cases, there is a continuous segment that spans from “decentralized coordination to a more centralized one”. By learning how value chains are governed, it is possible to know how they affect suppliers’ “upgrade” (increasing the added value of the chain through innovation). The upgrade is illustrated with a case study in which the knowledge acquired by the innovative firm is spread within the grape-wine growing sector, giving rise to a positive externality that may be internalized by means of suitable public policy instruments.

Table wines do not shine like Malbec does in Argentina's wine industry; nonetheless
they represent two thirds of the wine produced in this country. A key economic indicator of this product is the price of the "vino de traslado” (bulk wine). A grape% grower has two options with his grape: he can sell it or he can elaborate wine (the “bulk wine”) and sell it later to a large winery. Thus, the price of the “bulk wine” is a reference of the incomes of grape%growers and small wineries.

In the last five years, this price has been very low, and consequently governments of wine provinces are under social pressure to implement policies to raise it by restricting wine supply and/or by buying wine. Why is this price so low? From a sectorial perspective, there is overproduction, with the consequent increase in wine stocks. This hypothesis is strengthened by the declining domestic consumption of this wine in Argentina for several decades, as well as in other major wine producing countries.

However, there is another view, a crisis one. Over a period of more than three decades, this reference price reaches the minimum levels in each recession in Argentina. After a while, in every economic recovery, this price has increased very strongly. Macroeconomic impacts seem strong.
This study will show in numbers both impacts (of overproduction and recession) on the price of “bulk wine” in the Argentine case. Given the relevance of this price for the grape%grower, the study will analyze the evolution of the producer share in the final price of wine (paid by consumers). In these years of low prices, producers have complained of lower share and there is a question whether this phenomenon is a trend observed over time.

The aim of the study is to analyze the capital structure of the Hungarian and the French wine industries and to examine the funding models. First, the database and the applied methods will be described followed by the descriptive statistical analysis of the industry. The analysis indicates the capital structure policy applied in the industry and, at the same time, evaluates its performance in terms of profitability and efficiency. The analysis examines the differences between the funding policies applied in the two countries, especially those variables that are the basis for the separation of the two branches. This was carried out by means of discriminant analysis, which indicates the financing characteristics. The main conclusion of the study is that the behavior of the factors explaining the development of the capital structure is significantly different in the examined countries.